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Beautiful City

“The movie paints a realistic image of a society where many are trapped in the sets of religious beliefs, laws and system which in reality are the root causes of their miseries and problems – many self inflicted!”

By: David Etebari

Shahre Ziba (Beautiful City-2004 ) is an Iranian movie directed by Asghar Farhadi about a young boy in the juvenile prison who plans a birthday party for a friend. But the birthday turns out to be a sad and angry one because it also signifies that his friend, having reached 18, will soon be executed. His friend is sentenced to death for having murdered a girl that he loved in a joint suicide attempt.
After his release on parole, the boy attempts to convince the family of the victim to forgive his friend. In the meantime the boy falls in love with his friend’s sister who still lives in the house of her ex-husband whom she has a child with. The boy and the sister of the juvenile facing execution eventually obtain the pardon of the victim’s father with the condition of paying blood money retribution, a money that they do not have. Victim’s step mother instead asks the boy to marry her physically challenged daughter in exchange for the blood money.
There are a lot of trials and tribulations throughout the movie. The movie paints a realistic image of a society where many are trapped in the sets of religious beliefs, laws and system which in reality are the root causes of their miseries and problems – many self inflicted! Having very limited financial means, the main characters of the movie are caught in an Islamic justice system which is determined by monetary values.
Even the father of the victim is required to pay blood money in order to have the juvenile boy executed , because the boy’s life also has a monetary value twice the value of the life of his daughter (the victim). Trying to have the boy executed, the father of the victim even tries to sell their only home to come up with the money required of him by the law.
At the end, the characters whom represent the lower income and religious segment of the Iranian population , all face making difficult decisions. The father of the victim with the decision to ask (or not) for execution by insisting on blood money. The boy with the decision to sacrifice his life by marrying the physically challenged daughter or face possibility of his friend’s execution. The sister of the juvenile faces the dilemma of accepting the love of his brother’s friend and to face potential execution of his brother or to let him get married to the girl he doesn’t love in order to save her brother.
The movie ends with no good or bad guys. In fact they all seem to be victims of a system and belief that rules them both externally and internally. Even the prison guard is a nice person who cares about the jailed juveniles The local mullah also tries to help but once he fails, he justifies all outcomes based on a belief system that on one hand justifies revenge and on the other promotes mercy and compassion!.

As much as the viewers hope, the film does not end with a closure because the unresolved problems and similar stories are still on-going in the Islamic Republic of Iran …..

There are currently more than 140 juveniles facing execution in Iran. International Laws prohibit child executions. For more information and to sign the petition visit: www.stopchildexecutions.com


Juvenile Executions in past 18 years

By: Asieh Amini, human rights activist in Iran  2008.12.07
Source:  http://www.roozonline.com/english/

In the past year it has been heard time and again, through human rights news or ‎statements issued by human rights activists, the embarrassing news that Iran is leading ‎the world in the number of juvenile executions. Today’s piece aims at reviewing these ‎executions and providing a general analysis on the implementation of this punishment in ‎Iran since 1990. It must be noted that figures cited in this piece are based either on ‎information published and approved by official sources or my personal research, ‎confirmed by the execution of the sentences. ‎

Since 1990 at least 41 juveniles have been executed in our country. Out of these, the ‎names of 37 are provided in figures released by the Human Rights Watch. However, the ‎names of Masoud Naghi Biravand and Mohammad Faghiri, who were hanged in Lorestan ‎in 1385 and Isfahan in 1386, respectively, are not mentioned.‎
In addition, the Afghanistan Independent Committee reported the execution of two ‎Afghan juveniles in Iran in fall of 1997, but the name of neither individual is available in ‎any official report. ‎
One of these 41 individuals was a woman and the rest were men. Of this total, 9 were ‎under the age of 18 at the time of execution, and 32 were executed after turning 18. In ‎this respect, until the year 2000, juvenile convicts were executed regardless of their age ‎after their conviction. For example, between 1990 and 2000, six individuals under the ‎age of 18 were hanged. After 2000, however, the judicial process changed and most ‎juveniles remained behind bars until they reached the age of 18, when their death ‎sentences were be carried out. Nevertheless, in the past 8 years, meaning from 2000 until ‎November 2008, at least five juveniles by the names of Atefeh Sahaleh, Majid ‎Saghouvand, Saeed Ghanbarzehi, Mohammad Hasanzadeh, and one other juvenile whose ‎name was not stated in newspapers were hanged before reaching the age of 18. ‎
Analyzing the data per year, in 1990 one person, and in 1992 three juveniles were ‎hanged. Between 1992 and 1998 the names of no juveniles are mentioned in the lists, ‎while in 1999, 2000 and 2001 one juvenile per each year were among those executed. ‎
The years 2002 and 2003 also were among the clean years in terms of juvenile execution ‎but in 2004 three people, in 2005 eight people, in 2006 five people, in 2007 eleven people ‎and in 2008, so far six people who have committed crimes as juveniles have been ‎executed. ‎
As a result, if we divide this 18-year period into three six-year period, in the first period ‎four people, in the second period three people, and in the third period 34 people have ‎been executed. These figures show that there is no considerable difference between the ‎first two period, meaning the years between 1369 and 1380. However, since 2001, we ‎are suddenly faced with a close to 11-fold increase in frequency of juvenile executions. ‎
However, one must note that this does not necessarily mean that the number of ‎executions have increased 11-fold. Part of the increase is due to better “documentation” ‎of execution cases in recent years. In effect, because of the sensitivity of human rights ‎activists and the documentation of individual cases, unlike the past cases of execution are ‎no longer hidden from media scrutiny. ‎
However, it must be noted that data related to executions is still not fully accurate. For ‎example, various figures have been released about the number of convicts on the death ‎row in Iranian prisons (from any age). The figure has varied from 70 to 150 individuals. ‎More importantly, however, is that none of these figures are clear and accurate and until ‎the doors of information are close to researchers, journalists and lawyers, we can neither ‎provide an accurate analysi s of crime conditions and punishment process nor be aware of ‎the number of individuals in order to help and defend them. For example, Amr ‎Houshang Fazlollahzadeh was executed in Tonekabon last spring and Mohammad ‎Hasanzadeh was hanged last spring at the age of 17 in Sanandaj. The names of neither of ‎these two individuals were listed on reports published by human rights organizations and ‎no journalist or activist was even aware of their convictions until after their execution. ‎
It also is necessary to note that we must call on all social and civil society activists, ‎journalists and lawyers working in Tehran and other cities to contribute to ‎documentation, reporting and publication of the plight of juvenile convicts. ‎
Perhaps then we can be hopeful about pulling down the shameful place afforded to us on ‎the podium as the world’s leading nation in juvenile executions.

Latin American, Carribean States Blocking UN Effort to End Juvenile Executions

Source: Human Rights Watch : http://hrw.org/english/docs/2008/10/27/americ20076_txt.htm

(New York, October 28, 2008) – Latin American and Caribbean governments should drop their opposition to UN efforts to end executions of juvenile offenders, Human Rights Watch said today. UN diplomats in New York are debating the juvenile death penalty as part of negotiations on a General Assembly resolution on the rights of the child.

Last week the group of Latin American and Caribbean states rejected a proposal from the European Union to call for an immediate suspension of all juvenile executions, pending abolition through legal reform, even though none of the countries in the region has carried out such executions since at least 1990. The group also rejected a proposal for a report from the UN secretary-general on compliance with the absolute ban on the juvenile death penalty in international law.  
“It’s simply baffling that Latin American and Caribbean states would block efforts to end the execution of children,” said Jo Becker, children’s rights advocate at Human Rights Watch. “None of these countries have executed juvenile offenders for years. Why would they possibly defend this practice?”  
All countries in Latin America and the Caribbean are party to the Convention on the Rights of the Child, which prohibits any executions of persons for crimes committed before the age of 18.  
Only five countries worldwide currently carry out executions for such crimes. However, the number of such executions has nearly tripled in the last four years. Since January 2005, Iran, Saudi Arabia, Sudan, Pakistan and Yemen have carried out 32 such executions, with well over 100 other juvenile offenders on their death rows. Between 2001 and 2004, 12 known executions of juvenile offenders took place worldwide.  
“While only five countries still execute juvenile offenders, the recent rise in such executions is extremely worrying,” said Becker. “Latin American and Caribbean states should join others in calling for an immediate end to this barbaric practice.”  
Since January 2005, Iran has been responsible for 26 of the 32 known executions of juvenile offenders worldwide. Saudi Arabia and Sudan have each executed two juvenile offenders, and Pakistan and Yemen have each executed one.  
On October 14, the day the UN General Assembly began its annual debate on children’s rights, more than 300 nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) from 82 countries called on the General Assembly to take urgent action to end executions for crimes committed by children. Organizations signing the statement included groups from Argentina, Aruba, Bolivia, Brazil, Chile, Dominican Republic, Ecuador, El Salvador, Mexico and Peru.  
Negotiations on the rights of the child resolution are continuing this week in New York. The resolution is expected to be adopted in November.  

Child Executions article in BBC News

Plight of Iran’s death-row youngsters

Photo of Mostafa Naqdi

Mostafa Naqdi was 15 when he got into a fight which ended in tragedy

Mohammad Mostafaie has a burden probably unique in the world.

He is the defence lawyer for 25 young people, all facing the death penalty. The files lie thick on his desk. The young clients all stare blankly out in passport photos he spreads out on the table. This is Iran, the world leader in the execution of juveniles. It is one of the last remaining countries that still imposes the death penalty on children, for crimes committed under the age of 18. No-one knows exactly how many juveniles have been executed in Iran in recent years. International human rights groups say at least six have been killed in 2008. Mr Mostafaie says 26 juveniles have been executed in the last two years. More than 120 are now under imminent threat.

‘Ideal son’

Take the case of Mostafa Naqdi. His mother Shahnaz will tell you he is a good Muslim, and an ideal son, who gave up school and worked all hours to help support his family.One day in 2004, he was riding his motorcycle when he stopped outside a school in an area called Tehran Pars. As children streamed out of the school, one of them grabbed the bike’s ignition key. It should just have been a silly prank. But a fight broke out and then got out of control.

Shahnaz Naqdi

Shahnaz Naqdi has impoverished herself defending her son Mostafa

Mostafa says he grabbed a blunt instrument and lunged out at another boy holding him. Tragically, the blow punctured the lung of the other boy, Masoud, who died later that afternoon.

Mostafa may have been guilty of manslaughter, or possibly it was self-defence. In any case he was only 15-years old at the time. But now he is facing execution.

His mother is distraught, and bewildered. “This sort of execution is for someone my age not for a 15-year-old boy who can’t distinguish between good and bad,” she told me. “How can a teenage boy, who just found himself in the middle of a fight, be expected to understand what is going on?”

It is just the sort of case that Mohammad Mostafaie deals with all the time. He said that none of his 25 clients had any intention to commit murder.

‘No criminality’

“They have done the crimes unintentionally,” he explained. “I have talked to all of these people face to face. They talk to me about their childhood and they talk about what happened to them in their childhood. “When you talk to them, there is no hint of criminality in their face and in their thoughts.

“They can’t conceive of the fact that they might be hanged. They are pitiful. Most of the people who are killed by these people were bigger than them, and stronger. They killed them because they were scared.”

Mohammad Mostafaie

Mohammad Mostafaie says some children are tricked into confessing

According to Mr Mostafaie, many of the children didn’t have lawyers when they were first arrested.

They make damaging statements, he says, and sometimes they are tricked into making confessions. They appear in adult courts where judges are not used to dealing with juveniles.

Listening to his accounts, it appears that much of the treatment of juvenile offenders is as much the result of ignorance and indifference as any actual policy.

Mr Mostafaie described how the parents of one of his other young clients were only told that their son was about to be executed the night before. No-one even thought to arrange a last meeting between them and their son. And although there does seem to be strong support in Iran for the death penalty as a whole, the lawyer does not believe most Iranians are in favour of imposing it on juveniles.

Blood money

“It is interesting when I tell people about these children, or release the information in newspapers,” he said.”People don’t want these murderers executed, they are sorry to see them executed. There are lots of people who say they want to stop the executions at any cost.” As for the Iranian government, it recently announced an end to child executions. But a few days later a spokesman made it clear that did not include so called “blood money” or “Qeisas” cases, which make up the vast majority of executions.

“According to the Justice Ministry spokesman, these cases are not technically “execution” but private “retaliation” sanctioned by Islamic law. Something the Islamic Republic is powerless to prevent.

Case files of accused youths

Files of the accused juveniles lie thick on Mohammad Mostafaie’s desk

Some human rights campaigners believe the misleading announcement was part of an attempt by Iran to influence events at the UN, where delegates are holding their annual discussion about human rights in the Islamic Republic.

Certainly, Iran is sensitive to any suggestion that its behaviour in any way falls below the most civilised standards.

Iran has signed and ratified the International Convention on the Rights of the Child, which explicitly bans such executions. But it has entered a reservation, the government says exempts it from any provision that goes against Islamic law.

Mrs Naqdi has impoverished herself defending her son Mostafa, though Mr Mostafaie has now taken on the case for free. In the one-room house she has now moved into, she showed me photos of Mostafa, a proud member of several prison sports teams. When he was first arrested, he was so under-developed that the authorities did not believe he was 15. Even now, four years later, he is a gangly youth, certainly not grown into a man.

Close to tears

As we looked at the photos together, Mostafa himself came on the phone from prison, his voice firm yet emotional. A tear trickled down his mother’s cheek as she spoke to him. His fate now depends on whether the family of the victim, Masoud, accept blood money, or demand his execution as retaliation. So, I asked him, did he have a message for the victim’s family? “I know I did something wrong, but I was just a child,” he said.

“I did wrong and mankind is like that. But I want to live. I know they are suffering. My family has suffered too. Not as much as them – they have lost their son.

“I just want them to forgive me. I can’t do anything else. Their son won’t come back by executing me. I can just say that I kiss their hands for forgiveness.”

Honor Killings: The Mentality of Hate

We can protect them by assuring that human rights do not become secondary to the religious fanaticism that rears its ugly head when the rest of the world turns a blind eye ….We can do this first by demanding that those guilty of these murderous acts are incarcerated and prosecuted to the fullest extent of the law

By: D.W. Duke- SCE Legal Department

No doubt Fatima, Fauzia and Jannat laughed and joked with excitement as they rode in the taxi from their home in Babakot to the
village of Usta Mohammad where they intended to meet their fiances.  It was to be their triple wedding day but instead it became the day of their execution and burial.  Little could they have known that July 14, 2008 would be the last day they would enjoy the fresh air and the warmth of the sun in the Balochistan Province of Pakistan.  The oldest of the three, Fauzia Bibi was barely 18 years of age.  The other two were believed to be 14 and 16.

Unbeknownst to the three girls the taxi driver overheard them talk of their arrangements to meet their fiances at a restaurant in Usta Mohammad then travel to a civil court to be married.  After dropping the girls at the restaurant, the taxi driver returned to Babakot and notified their fathers.   A local politician, along with the fathers and brothers of the girls, abducted them at gun point and returned them in a government vehicle to Babakot.  There they were severely beaten, two of them suffering crushed skulls, and they were thrown into a freshly dug grave where they were buried alive.  Janat Bibi, 38, Fauzia’s aunt, and Fatima Bibi, 45, the mother of one of the other girls, were shot and also buried alive for trying to persuade the murderers to forego the execution of the three girls.   The murderers fired guns into the air as a warning to anyone who would approach the murder scene and try to intervene.

The crimes for which the three girls were executed, in an ancient tradition known as honor killing, was that they did not want to accept prearranged marriage to men chosen by their fathers.  Instead, they wanted to marry the men they really loved.  Perhaps the shock of this tragic event is overshadowed by the greater shock that this tradition of honor killing is supported by local government authorities, who covered up the crime for nearly six weeks, until it was disclosed by a local journalist named Saarang Mastoi who could no longer remain silent despite the threat to himself and his family.  

Notwithstanding the tragedy of this event, and the cover up by local government authorities, the greatest shock to the people of Pakistan came when Israr Ullah Zehri, a member of the Parliament of Pakistan who represents the Baluchistan Province, stated about the murder of the five women, “These are centuries-old traditions and I will continue to defend them.  Only those who indulge in immoral acts should be afraid.”  What immoral act was he referring to?  He was referring to the desire of a human being to marry a person of one’s own choosing rather than to marry someone chosen by one’s parent.  He was referring to the desire to marry for love rather than tradition.  He was referring quite simply to the pursuit of happiness.  In the eyes of Israr Ullah Zehri that is a capital offense.  Other members of the Parliament of Pakistan were appalled when Zehri urged them to not make an issue of the tradition of honor killings because in his mind it has the effect of curtailing obscenity. 

One has to inquire how an individual of such a barbaric mentality as Israr Ullah Zehri could have earned a seat in the Parliament of Pakistan in the 21st century.  How could such a despicable notion as the propriety of honor killings find a place in the leadership of a modern democratic nation?  Sadly, his words represent the mentality of hate which appears under the guise of religious tradition not only in Pakistan but throughout many nations of the world.   It is an evil that grows like an infestation in places where honorable people refuse to speak out.  It is an evil that empowers the wicked to inflict their cruelty upon the innocent victims of the world and it is the most vulgar and despicable violation of womanhood the world has ever seen.  

The only way to address this barbaric evil is to prosecute those who engage in such acts.  The helpless girls who are victims of this deplorable practice are not able to protect themselves.  They cannot withstand the brutal beatings and executions of the very men who should be protecting them and in whom they should be placing their trust.  Only we can protect them from this mentality of hate.  We can do this first by demanding that those guilty of these murderous acts are incarcerated and prosecuted to the fullest extent of the law.  We can further protect them by demanding that despicable cowards such as Israr Ullah Zehri are voted out of office so that truly competent leaders can take their places.  And we can protect them by assuring that human rights do not become secondary to the religious fanaticism that rears its ugly head when the rest of the world turns a blind eye.  Only then can we protect the Fatimas, Fauzias and Jannats of the world who are the innocent victims of honor killings, the mentality of hate.  

D.W. Duke is a principle in the California law firm of Giardinelli & Duke, APC. He received his Juris Doctorate from Washington University School of Law. Mr. Duke is a noted lecturer on various legal matters and has published several books on legal topics including Principles of Liberty, a Practical Guide to Constitutional Law, Understanding and Avoiding Medical Malpractice and California Insurance Law. D.W. assists SCE Campaign with legal research with respect to international convention and obligations and also contributes articles and reports on the subject of Child Executions. 


صدای مظلوم را به گوش دیگران برسانید

سلام دوست عزیز در روزنامه کیهان
 هیچ کس قصد و حتی حق توهین به عقاید دیگران را نداشته و نخواهد داشت هر کس می تواند عقاید خاصی داشته باشد و این مورد احترام همه می باشد  اگر خبری از اعدام کودکان یا دستگیری شخص خاصی یا تظلم خواهی مظلومی با ایمیل به شما و دوستان دیگر ارسال می شود به هیچ عنوان قصد توهین وجود ندارد حقیقت این است که اصلاح قانون، عدم سوء استفاده برخی از مسئولین که دارای اقتدار و قدرت هستند خواست ماست و ما از شما به عنوان کسی که می توانید صدای مظلوم را به گوش دیگران برسانید این توقع را داریم که در مورد موضوعات حقوق بشری نیز تامل نموده و قسمتی از اوراق روزنامه را نیز به این بخش اختصاص دهید و همچنین حرف حق را به گوش مسئولین برسانید بیش از دو سال است که در مورد حقوق کودکان فعالیت می کنم امیدوارم که شما زمینه ای را آغاز کنید با با بحث در مورد حقوق آنها در آینده جامع ای سالم داشته باشیم . ارادتمند
  محمد مصطفایی   

از طرف يك ذوب شده در كيهان


خبر تا ييد اعدام يك نوجوان در ايران  توسط يكي از دوستان به ميلينگ ليستش فرستاده شده بود. ايميل كيهان هم در ميان كانتاكت‌ها بود. جوابيه كيهان اينست:
Lotfan baraye man mail naferestid,akhbare shoma baraye man jaleb nist

اين هم نامه ما:

كيهان عزيز
اكنون كه اين نامه را برايت مي‌نويسم در و ديوار اين آلونك از عطر روزنامه اوراق تو

ببخشيد اوراق روزنامه تو لبريز است
از لحن نامه‌ات پر شدم از بغض و سرشك
دلم واست تنگ شد و اين نامه رو واست نوشت
تو نبايد بياي از اين ورا گذري
دل مارو ور داري ببري بپزي بدي گربه آقاي پاكشير بخوره
تو تنها نيستي
به قول فدريكو
زرد تويي
كه زرد مي‌خواهمت
اي ويژه نويس
اي آمار بده
اي مسئول كوبيدن مشت به دهان استكبار جهاني و غيره
اي غضنفر
اي كيهان
اي ستاره دنباله‌دار
چرا تو اخبار ما را نمي‌خواهي؟
لطفاً به من بگو چه نوع اخباري براي تو جالب است
نظرت در مورد آمار اپوزيسون چيست؟
اگر چيزي كم و كسر داشتي بگو
با تشكر از روزنامه ارزشي شما مي‌خواستم اين را بگويم كه اينهايي كه دم از حقوق بشر آمريكايي مي‌زنند همان‌هايي هستند
كه در دوم خرداد شعارهاي التقاطي مي‌دادند.
اين‌ها مي‌خواهند جامعه را از درون تهي كنن
خواهش مي‌كنم
تمنا مي‌كنم از تو
اي كيهان
اي كهكشان‌واره
اين جامعه را از درون پر كن
(لطفاً در انتخاب مسير درون دقت كافي بخرج بده) ممنونيم از تو
محمود را ببوس
اگر او و شما نبوديد
حقوق بشر نقض نمي‌شد و ما ساير فعالان سياسي و حقوق بشر و حقوق بچه‌ها و حقوق مرغ و گربه و الهام
هيچ نداشتيم بكنيم و بيكار مي‌شديم و مجبور بوديم برويم دنبال چغندركاري
و آن وقت در توليد چغندر خودكفا مي‌شديم و ممكن بود اين كشور‌هاي بي‌ناموس استيك‌باري كه هي استيك خنزير مي‌خورند
به فعاليت‌هاي چغندرانه‌ي ما مشكوك شوند و آن‌ وقت ما هي مورد قطعنامه و ورق‌پاره قرار بگيريم
و اين بزغاله‌ها هي جامعه را از درون تهي كنند و تورم بوجود بيايد
ممنون از اينكه فعالان سياسي را مي‌گيريد و مي‌بريد اون تو و متورمشان مي‌كنيد.
قطعا اين تحول اقتصادي كه در ما بوجود خواهد آمد موجب تغيير دوره گردش هاله به دور محمود خواهد شد
اين بچه‌ها را كه اعدام مي‌كنيد خوب كاري مي‌كنيد
رشد جمعيت زياد شده
ببخش كيهان جونم
اما برام سوال پيش اومد
اگر اعدام نوجوانان جالب نيست
پس چرا فرت و فرت اعدامشان مي‌كنيد
الان به مغزم فشا ريدم و متوجه شدم حتماً خيري در آن نهفته است
اينكه دقيقا كجاي آن نهفته يا نهفتيده شده هم مهم نيست
بهرحال شما و ساسي مانكن و حسن مخته و ساير اساتيد بهتر مي‌فهميد چي بدرد دنيا و آخرت ماها مي‌خورد
سرت را درد نياورم
قلبت را هم همين طور
مجبور مي‌شوي قرص زير زباني و احياناً چيزهاي ديگر استعمال كني
آن وقت يك وقت ديدي خوشت آمد و زبانم لال از كار و زندگي مي‌افتي و ما هم ممكن است روي خوشبختي را ببينيم‌ آن وقت آخرتمان خشك مي‌شود، سپس كمي مرطوب شده با نمك و زردچوبه و اسپري فلفل به ميزان دلخواه قاطي گشته و در آخر تباه مي‌گردد
روي ماه همه بچه‌ها را ببوس
احتمالاً بعد از نوشتن اين نامه به زودي مجبور به زيارتتان خواهم شد
اين را هم بگويم
من از بين روزنامه‌هاي ارزشي روزنامه شما را خيلي دوست دارم
چون جنس كاغد آن واقعا با مزاجم سازگار است و با سس هزار جزيره مهرام طعم دلپذيري پيدا مي‌كند
دكترم گير داده
بايستي قرص‌هايم را بخورم
روي شكم خالي نمي‌شود هر چه مي‌گويم اخبار ويژه شما را الان خوردم قبول نمي‌كند
جايتان خالي خيلي خوشمزه بود
مخصوصاً آن قسمتش كه هتاكان و ايادي و مزدوران استيك‌بار برج اسكان رو معرفي كرده بوديد
واي خدا
مي‌خوان با من مهرورزي كنن
جايتان خالي است
اينجا هفته‌اي يك بار با ما مهرورزي مي‌كنند و ما ساير ايام هفته را دمر مي‌خوابيم
مي‌گويند براي مختان خوبست
دارند ما را از درون پر مي‌كنند 

از طرف يك ذوب در كيهان
بوس بوس
بغل يغل
خانم‌ها دست
آقايون صلوات
حالا برعكس



توضيح براي دوستان
دلم نيومد اين نوشته كيهان عزيز رو ببينم و خفه خون بگيرم
دوري همه شما دلتنگم مي‌كند
بازجويي‌ها كه تمام شد تماس مي‌گيرم
هزار جزيره را حتماً امتحان  كنيد

Before and After, A movie to watch!

David Etebari

Majority of the juvenile cases that lead to execution verdict in Iran have been the results of childish fights that lead to the murder of one of the two (or few) who were involved in the quarrel. Often the accidental outcome of the fight could have different and the one who is accused could have easily ended being the victim. Regardless, in nearly all cases what has been very obvious is that the murders were not intentional or pre-meditated but the judiciary of the Islamic regime in Iran not only have continuously accused the juveniles of intentional murder but they have usually convicted them to death by hanging! (134 juveniles facing execution in Iran and 26 executed since 2005).

Before and After, a 1996 movie starring Meryl Streep is the story of a teenage boy who is being accused of murdering his girlfriend. The series of events and their effects on the families of both the victim and the accused and the community are great examples of the juvenile crimes and their consequences. 

Watching the movie one can not avoid thinking of the sad undeniable fact that if the similar likely situation had happened in Iran, the outcome for the accused child would have most likely been very different.

It would be ideal if a copy of the film could even be sent to the head of Iran’s judiciary Ayatollah Shahrudi and all the judges who continue sending Iranian juveniles to the execution pole for hanging.

You may obtain the DVD of the movie in stores or online. Copy of the film is also available for viewing on You Tube in 11 segments : http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=rT0SKJBCbHs

The following clip includes the murder scene:

مجازات قانوني يا انتقام خصوصي؟

اعتماد ملی  –نوبان فشندي – وكيل دادگستري و دانشجوي دوره دكتري حقوق بين‌الملل

موضوع از چه قرار است؟‌ بازپرس شعبه اول دادسراي جنايي تهران با بيان مطلب فوق، اقدام 3 تن از هنرمندان سينماي ايران به منظور جمع‌آوري مبلغ ديه لا‌زم براي جلوگيري از اعدام <بهنود شجاعي( >جوان محكوم به قصاص نفس) را غيرقانوني خواند و از احضار اين 3 تن به دادسرا خبر داد.تحليل موضوع:‌ علماي حقوق كيفري، <مجازات> را به عنوان <واكنش جامعه در برابر عمل مجرمانه> تعريف كرده‌اند. بديهي است كه مقصود از <جامعه> در اين مقام، همان حكومت يا به تعبير روشن‌تر <مدعي‌العموم> است كه به نمايندگي از شهروندان و به جهت دفاع از حقوق اجتماعي آنان در امر دادرسي مداخله كرده و – صرف‌نظر از اعلا‌ن رضايت يا عدم رضايت شاكي خصوصي – خواستار تنبيه مجرم مي‌شود.

با لحاظ چنين تعريفي از مفهوم <مجازات>، روشن مي‌شود كه نه قصاص و نه ديه، هيچيك به‌واقع <مجازات> بزه قتل عمد محسوب نمي‌شوند. چرا كه به تصريح ماده 219

قانون مجازات اسلا‌مي <كسي كه محكوم به قصاص است بايد با <اذن ولي دم> او را كشت. پس اگر كسي بدون اذن ولي دم او را بكشد مرتكب قتلي شده است كه موجب قصاص است.> توجه به مواد 268 و 294 اين قانون نيز روشن مي‌سازد كه قصاص و ديه از <حقوق شخصي> اولياي دم است و در صورت صرف‌نظر كردن آنان از اين حق، قاضي نمي‌تواند قاتل را به چيزي بيش از 3 تا 10 سال حبس تعزيري (موضوع ماده 208 قانون مجازات اسلا‌مي) محكوم كند. بنابراين، مي‌توان نتيجه گرفت كه از منظر دادگستري <عمومي>، مجازات قانوني قتل عمد در حقوق ايران، صرفا حبس تعزيري است و مفاهيم ديگر، ناخودآگاه يادآور دوران تاريخي <انتقام خصوصي> است كه با ادبياتي ديگر، به مجموعه قوانين كيفري ما راه يافته. ‌

تكمله:‌ راستي، اگر قصاص نفس به‌واقع <مجازات قانوني> قتل عمد است، فلسفه معافيت از اين <مجازات قانوني> در مواد 207 و 220 قانون مجازات اسلا‌مي چيست و چرا حتي شمول حكم حبس تعزيري (موضوع ماده 208) نسبت به اين موارد، مشروط به اثبات <بيم تجري> قاتل است؟

اعدام یا قصاص = بازی با کلمات

اعدام با قصاص فرق داره اما در نهایت مگر همه اینها بازی با کلمات نیست مگر سر آخر این نیست که جان کسی گرفته می شود و احکام پایان زندگی این افراد هم از سوی قوه قضاییه داده می شود؟ 

میترا خلعتبری 
آقای جمشیدی، سخنگوی قوه قضاییه درباره اعدام نوجوانان زیر ۱۸ سال فرمودند که هیچ اعدامی در این مقطع سنی انجام نمی شود!!! اما قصاص با اعدام متفاوت و حق خصوصی فرد است و فقط با گذشت اولیای دم است که صورت نمی‌گیرد.احیانا هیچ کدوم از خبرنگاران پر ادعای مطبوعات هم اونجا نبودند که به ایشون بگند، بله همگان می دونند که اعدام با قصاص فرق داره اما در نهایت مگر همه اینها بازی با کلماات نیست مگر سر آخر این نیست که جان کسی گرفته می شود و احکام پایان زندگی این افراد هم از سوی همکاران ارجمند شما در همان قوه داده می شود. 
بی بی سی گفته که در سال جاری میلادی، تاکنون شش نوجوان مجرم در ایران اعدام شده اند و گفته شده که حدود ۱۳۰ نفر دیگر نیز در انتظار اعدام به سر می برند.

سخنگوی قوه قضائیه همچنین گفته از آنجا که حکم مرگ برای نوجوانان به درخواست حکومت صادر نمی شود و درخواست اولیای دم است، ایران برنامه ای برای جلوگیری از

 مجازات مرگ نوجوانان یا آنچه که “قصاص” خوانده است، در پیش ندارد. گویا آقای جمشیدی زیاد با سیستمی که در بسیاری از شعبات دادگاه ها و به خصوص در شعبه اجرای احکام دادسرای امور جنایی بر ا است آشنا نیستند. کاش آقای جمشیدی در یکی از جلسات محاکمه هایی که برای مثال در آن نوجوانی دست بر قضا مرتکب قتل شده است حضور داشتید و می دید که وقتی اولیای دم پرونده ای در خصوص خواستن حکم قصاص برای قاتل فرزندشات همچنان دو دل هستند قضات چطور آنها را مجاب به این درخواست می کنند، به طوری که اگر درخواست حکم قصاص نکنند این طور تلقی می شود که گویا جان فرزندی که از دست داده اند برایشان مهم نیست. کاش در یکی از جلسات به اصطلاح صلح و سازشی که در شعبه اجرای احکام دادسرای امور جنایی برپا می شود حضور داشتید و می دید قضاتتان در این جلسات چطور از اولیای دم می خواهند که گذشت کند. فقط یک بار، فقط یک بار از او می پرسند که رضایت می دهی یا نه و پس از آن هم  می گویند خب پس ما ناچاریم که حکم قصاص را رعایت کنیم.

به خدا قسم هزاران هزار بار افراد خیر و فعالی که در این عرصه فقط در راه رضای خدا کار می کنند می روند و می آیند، بدترین ناسزاها را گاهی از اولیای دم می شنوند و مسائل دیگر اما خسته نمی شوند اما شعبه صلح و سازش شما چه کرده است و می کند؟

از طرف دیگه امروز همکار و دوست خوبم، محمد مطصفایی باز هم از  موضوع اعدام اطفال زير ۱۸ سال كه ايران رتبه نخست را در سطح جهان در ميان دو يا سه كشور اجرا كننده اعدام، كسب كرده، گفته است. کميساريای عالی سازمان ملل در امور حقوق بشر هم  مجددا از افزايش ميزان اعدام ها در ايران ابراز نگرانی کرد و از جمهوری اسلامی خواست تا احکام صادره اعدام برای کسانی که در سنين نوجوانی مرتکب جرم شده اند را متوقف کند. اين کميساريا همچنين از افزايش تعداد اعدام ها در ايران طی ماه های اخير ابراز نگرانی کرده است. آقای کالويل می گويد: ايران از ابتدای سال جاری ميلادی تا کنون بيش از ۲۲۰ نفر را اعدام کرده است و در ميان آنها، نام شش نفر از افرادی که در نوجوانی مرتکب قتل شده اند وجود دارد. از طرف دیگه پیش از این هادی قائمی، سخنگوی کمپین بین المللی حقوق بشر در ایران گفته بود: تعداد به شدت رو به افزایش اعدام نوجوانان، گواه وحشتناک و نگران کننده بی‌توجهی کامل دولت ایران به حقوق شهروندان و قانون بین‌المللی است. هادی قائمی می گوید: “اصرار هولناک مقامات قضایی ایران در اجرای چنین اعدام های ظالمانه ای، علیرغم فریادهای اعتراضی در داخل و خارج کشور، با سرعت و پشت سر هم فقط از یم مسئله حکایت می کند اما در عین حال هیچ نشانه ای از حل ریشه ای مسائل اقتصادی و اجتماعی ای که منجر به چنین جرایمی می شود در ایران مشاهده نمی شود.